For Fun: A Proposal for a New American Government

Let’s imagine you came to me and said “J, we need a new government. We have to think up a better government structure that would have a chance at creating a better society as what we have in America today. Can you give me a proposal for a new structure for the government?”

What I would say is “It’s funny that you say that because I’ve been spending some time thinking about this, mainly because my brain is weird. So I’m actually pretty well prepared to talk about what I think here.”

And then you would say “That’s fantastic! Also, you’re looking very handsome today.”

Then I would say “And you’re looking pretty hot yourself.”

But instead of writing the rest of that encounter, let me go ahead and give you my proposal. Let’s be honest here, you haven’t asked me to do this. I just have a boring idea of fun and I’m going to take a thought experiment far too seriously.

I am going to propose a distinctly non-western idea for this potential new government. Instead of having a two-party system, a three-party system, a more open multi-party system, or even a sort of no-party system, what if we instead had a dominant-party system?

Now, now, hear me out. Stop booing. You haven’t heard the whole pitch. What if, instead of a system where one party just happens to win all the time, we had what is effectively a one-party state with more representation?

Alright, I’ve heard you. I get it. This is very Chinese, very Soviet, very Vietnam. Scary, east of the Caucasus and west of the ocean. I’m not running away from that. But the reasons I have for proposing this aren’t just a desire to be more like explicitly communist states. The reasons are, to be frank, the condition of the United States of America as of February 2025.

I’m not going to go into the details of the American collapse. We don’t know what’s going to happen but we do know that dissent isn’t going to be looked well upon in the foreseeable future. Since this isn’t a broadside, I feel like I’m better served to save my powder in this instance. But I will make this point to begin with:

The separation of powers has failed.

The entire purpose of the separation of powers was to prevent a situation like what is currently happening: to prevent one branch of the government from asserting its will so completely that they control the entire government. And it has failed. It hasn’t failed because every branch has been taken over by the same party. It’s failed because it is clear that the trajectory is to bring all parts of the government underneath the president and, despite that, the other branches have done nothing to protect themselves. No matter what happens from this point forward, what is clear is that the separation of powers as a device has little force on its own. It would be as effective to have an independent councilor speak to the president as it would be to have a whole separate branch of government.

It is also clear to me that we need a civil service which is much more militant and dedicated to its role than the current American civil service, which seems to be primarily composed of disinterested professionals with little independent desire to defend their work. This isn’t a reflection on the innate or natural courage of civil servants so much as it is about the expectations set and the support given (or not given). The kind of attack that is ripping up the federal government should not be possible with or without the direct opposition of the legislature.

Both of these issues are to some extent dealt with in a one-party system, or at least can be dealt with. As an ideological institution, the ruling party can educate and motivate its members for the roles they will inhabit and instill in them the kind of, for lack of a better word, patriotic interest in not only their specific job but in doing their part to keep the whole country going. Without the separation of powers, the particular decades-long organizational infiltration of government institutions that now cripples America is less possible as long as the highest organ of state power acts before it is infiltrated. Whereas, for America, the infiltrations of each separate branch allowed allied infiltrators to advance further in their branches, a one-party government would force such infiltrators to push their way through the ideologically-motivated party, a task which is obviously much more difficult to succeed at.

The creation of and devotion to the idea of separation of powers reflects something important about what people want from government. Actually, a better way to say that is that it reflects something that people understand about government. They understand the potential of government overreach, and therefore they want a way for that to be challenged. The concept of unified power – the polar opposite of the separation of powers – doesn’t explicitly include any provision for challenging the government. That isn’t to say that unified power governments do not understand the fear of overreach, nor is it to say that they don’t try to address that fear or combat overreach. It is to say, however, that the basic assumption is that the party and government always represent the will of the people.

This is not an assumption that I will make in this structure. Instead, I believe very strongly in a principle which will be familiar to Americans and many Europeans, but which (strangely, in my opinion) does not seem to be written about much in the works of communists (at least in major works I have found). It may be that communists felt that spelling this out would be unnecessary, given that their movement is based on revolutionary action. For my part, I am going to use this idea in the structure of the government. The principle I’m talking about is the right to revolution.

Now, enshrining the right to revolution is useless. Many American jurisdictions have done this, as have some other places around the world (according to Wikipedia, which we must protect). What I aim to do here is not to enshrine the right of revolution but to recognize the fact that the primary check on the government is not other parts of government, it is the voice of the people. If there is any legitimate and effective check on government overreach it is not the existence of other branches but the existence of opposing voices who can either reject the overreach or protest and build power to have it overturned. This is what I want to partially enshrine: not a formal check on power but a check of accountability.

Because this is the Anglo internet in 2025, I will now have to take a second to talk about accountability. “What is accountability?” A useless phrase said by useless thinkers. I’m sorry, I don’t really have any sympathy for this line of thought. I get it, but I don’t find it to be a useful cipher for “why won’t anyone actually punish these criminals”. What people are mad about is that there is no clear follow-through in a lot of cases, such as for celebrity rapists in a patriarchal culture. But it should be clear what accountability is. What I’ll do briefly is explain the purpose that accountability holds as a check on government.

Accountability is having to report behavior and be subject to review, and possibly discipline. That’s it. That’s more or less the definition of accountability. I give it here because the thing that people object to is that this doesn’t come with specific consequences. I agree in a sense. Simply being accountable to someone doesn’t mean that the someone can punish you for acting out. Accountability does do two things, however. Firstly, it modifies the behavior of the person who has to report. They either have to admit to the trespassing behavior, stop doing it, or conceal that they’ve done it. The first and last options make reprisal valid, which is the second point. The role of accountability in this system is therefore not to offer any specific solution to what’s happened, it’s to mobilize those who oppose it.

Currently, we in the west rely a lot on parliamentary opposition: legal-type maneuvers within the halls of the legislature like fighting over line items of bills, piling pork into laws so they can personally eat well, and so on. This means that when there is a serious controversy, what can result is a lot of inadequate legislation and ineffective governance as the competing parties try to stop one another. What I propose is to move solely into popular opposition, which we do have now but is channeled into parliament. My goal is that when the people demand the government make a change and the government is persuaded to do so, the government will make coordinated and effective changes rather than entering a period of sluggish activity.

Of course, especially to the western mind, it seems counterintuitive that such opposition would matter much to a single-party government. After all, in the short term most obviously, the state can work to crush any dissent. In the long term, however, sustained dissent will lead to revolution, and if there are a number of revolutions, eventually one will succeed. If the party wishes to continue in power, therefore, it will have to change to the extent that it can keep the confidence of most of the people.

Following on from this, while the government will not purposefully be made weak in relation to the people, the principles of the government will favor empowering the people in both information about the government and in direct methods of self-support. There will be two main departures from the principles of government shared by China, Cuba, Vietnam, and others, apart from what’s been said so far. The first is that this government will be explicitly federal in nature, though federal with a strong center. The second is that the political system will be relatively liberal with regards to the operation of other parties, unlike the united front system of China or a full ban on competing parties. This is why I call it a dominant-party state rather than a one-party state. While one party will be primarily represented in the government, other parties will exist, with a role of representing the people and helping them pressure the government when needed.

That’s my general argument for the structure I’m going to propose. Because I’m not completely ignorant, this government will be socialist in nature (which I’ll define somewhat as we move on), but beyond that I will not make any specific ideological claims. While I have taken inspiration from communist regimes, the goal of this system is not to institute communism or even, necessarily, to promote socialism as the correct ideology. The ultimate goal is to create a stable society which does not need to fear an arbitrary takeover by particular interests.

back to top

Introduction

The first thing to recognize is that this is a proposal and the second thing is that this is for fun. No one has asked me to do this (except you, when we were flirting) and this is not being filed anywhere. So please understand that this is not going to be done in formal language or style, nor will this be completely comprehensive. I’m definitely not going to be getting into legalistic wrangling about exact interpretations of wording. Those are necessary, I recognize that, but this is very much not the place for it.

This proposal will be limited to constructing what I will call an “abstract government”. What this means is that particular problems such as racial issues, issues of sex and gender, issues of historical legacy, other social issues, issues of specific resource distribution, issues of regional poverty, and so on will not be figured in. We’ll assume instead that this system, if established, would simply add in whichever specific departments they would need for their situation. What I will try to deal with are generic, or abstract, issues of governance.

The proposal will be split into four parts. The first part will be the guiding principles of this government, stated briefly. The last three parts will be, together, the constitution of the new state. Part 2 is the constitution of the federation, part 3 is the constitution of the party, and part 4 is the basic plan of the party, which is the basic configuration of their control of the state.

Also, for the purposes of this proposal, the country/nation-state in question will be called the New Federation, while the dominant party will be called the New Vanguard Party. The term “New Federation State” will refer to the federal governing body; that is, the new government as a whole system.

Guiding Principles

Each of these principles will be stated relatively briefly, mainly for the purpose of providing context to the organization that will be described.

1. Permanent caretaker government
The governing party of this new state will not consider itself the determiners, the outcome, or the expression of the entire popular will of the state-society. Instead, the governing party will see itself as a permanent caretaker of the government. This party will still have its own motivating ideology but one based on duty, not on popular will. Though the party will completely control the government, and though it will ideally be associated with the peoples’ values, the party should not (in an ethical sense) aspire to totalitarian presence in the society.

2. Contract relations between governments
All relations between official bodies should be based in explicit contracts. These contracts should not be granular or individual. The purpose is not as the result of differing negotiations or as ways to pass value but as markers of the voluntary nature of their associations. In the federal system we will be laying out, each federate (or member region) will have a contract with the federate it is directly part of, as well as each of its own federates and the federation center. They will also have contracts with their associated party organs, and these will also be linked by contracts.

3. Self-reliance of federates
The federation will be made up of federates of varying levels. The primary allegiance of people should be to lower-level federates rather than to the federation and each federate should cultivate a sense of self-reliance. This is not to motivate isolationism or a search for autarchy, but instead it recognizes that the role of the federation is the enable to prosperity of local communities which remain the foundation of the state-society.

4. Respect for independent people’s power
The power of the people, as separate from the state and the party, must be respected and promoted. While the state cannot promote the means of its own destruction, the state ultimately serves at the pleasure of the people, so the successful state must govern with the consent of the people. For that reason, this government should not attempt excessively to silence the people and should always attempt to work for the betterment of society.

5. Federalism with a strong center
The structure of this state-society will be federal and the independence of each federate will be important, but similarly important is the effectiveness of the central federal government. Through the system of contracts, the lower federates will formally possess all political powers but will voluntarily grant many of these powers to higher levels of the system. This will ultimately empower the central federal government to act with sweeping authority without formally contradicting the sovereignty of each federate.

6. Unified federal power
In opposition to the idea of the separation of powers, all federal political power in this system will be vested in the highest organ of state power, which will then delegate powers and responsibilities as it sees fit. Each federate would be compelled, as a condition of being accepted to the federate, to adopt a similar scheme of unified power. In addition, the unified power must be vested in an elected representative assembly, as this is the most legitimate type of governing institution.

7. Socialism
This government’s guiding socio-economic theory will be socialism, with a particular focus on the twin pillars of social welfare and social justice.

8. Vigilance and action against wealth inequality
The primary economic priority of this government will be resistance against wealth inequality. By law, culture, and social programs, the existence of significant wealth gaps should be eliminated through, primarily, the elimination of poverty and the restriction on extreme wealth. These terms won’t be defined further in this proposal; I won’t come up with a specific wealth limit, wealth tax, etc.

9. Culture of honor through public service
Prestige should be tied specifically with public service and with little else. Every effort should be made to popularize the idea that serving one’s neighbors, community, and society is the way to personal fulfillment and success as well as public recognition.

10. Dual military
There should be two competing military structures supported by the government: the federal militia and the central army. The purpose of this is two-fold. In the first place, the militia’s role will be less as a standing force and more as a way for the people to gain training in military matters so that they can be activated. The central army’s role would then be as professionals to coordinate such defensive actions and provide advance tactics and technology. In the second place, if the central army was to become an oppressive force, the federal militia would give the people a greater chance of resisting the army, and vice versa (though this seems substantially less likely). The federal militia would retain much less direct capability (naval and air forces, for instance, would fall under the central army) but a dedicated and less-technical force is not useless against a theoretically better-equipped enemy.

11. Limited political faction
Resisting the emergence of a paramount leader is a secondary concern for the government but it is a concern. Similar to the right of revolution, the emergence of such a leader is not really an outcome of “permissive” structures, it’s an outcome of the political moment. That said, some conceptual reforms might have an effect on restraining such figures. One of them is allowing a limited level of political faction. Such factions should remain semi-formal at most and would be prohibited from creating independent institutions, as well as from creating direct splinter parties, but they would be able to have independent perspectives and continuity within the party.

12. Party instrumentality
Another aspect of many communist states/parties which deserves some criticism is the concept of democratic centralism, which in practice often means oligarchy by the politburo if not virtual one-person rule. Instead of democratic centralism, then, the party of this government will base itself on the idea of instrumentality, which is more closely allied to the western parliamentary concept of “whipping” but more formal. In fact, it somewhat resembles Catholic papal infallibility. Unlike infallibility and centralism, the use of instrumentality is intended to be double-edged. Essentially, members of the party would not be required to vote with along the “party line” unless the highest organ of the party invoked instrumentality. This would give the party the power to use its entire voting power when needed. The back edge of this is that instrumentality is meant to be used as an emergency measure: uncommonly and for, at most, short periods of time. Continued use of instrumentality is to be associated with the increasing dictatorial nature of the party center and, ideally, increased dissatisfaction with party center. Therefore the invocation of instrumentality, while provided for in party rules, naturally creates tensions that will hopefully temper its use. This doesn’t mean that autocratic rule will be definitely avoided, but it hopefully does mean that direct employment of party votes will not be the method, forcing the would-be autocrat to use methods with less legal and political support.

back to top

Constitution of the New Federation

What follows are the main propositions for the constitution of the New Federation itself. This is the structure of the official government.

There will be a few general concepts used in this constitution proposal in the later proposals. A regular term will refer to a rough measure of time, between 3 and 7 years. An extended term refers to a period of about 10 years. These will mainly be used to describe political term length. A short term refers to a period of about 2 to 5 years. A quick term refers to a period of about 1 to 2 years.

When something is described as federal, it describes the state-aligned functions at every level of the federation. When something is described as state, it refers specifically to the central state organization.

A. Political Partnership Contract

The New Vanguard Party will be the primary political partner of the New Federation. In accordance with this, the NVP will be consulted first about any actions by the federal government. The NVP will also be granted a variety of specific responsibilities, as noted.

B. Composition of the Federation

The New Federation will be a federation, which means it will be an association of federates (or federal members). Most accurately, it will be a federation of federations, with each federate also being a federation of lower federates. Essentially, there will be a pyramidic structure of the federal association, with the central federation government at the top level. The basic names of the federate groups are as follows:

Top level	Federation/Union
1st level federate	Region/Country
2nd level federate	Territory
3rd level federate, rural grade	Locality
3rd level federate, urban grade	Commune

Communes may be contained within localities or they may be directly affiliated with territories.

Links of affiliation are to be determined by affiliation contracts which specify the roles of each partner of the contract. Such contracts are to always be two-party, between the component federate and the containing federation, though they may be facilitated and witnessed by the NVP.

C. Principle of Unified Power

All federates which are linked by contract with the New Federation must agree to be governed by the principle of unified power, which stipulates that all political authority must be vested in a single highest organ of political power. This organ must be a representative assembly whose membership is determined by regular elections. Any other official institutions are to derive their authority from, and ultimately report to, the highest organ of political power in the federate.

This principle will also govern the New Federation central state. The highest organ of state power will be the Congress of the Federation.

D. Local Origin of Federal Authority

Each federate of the lowest level affiliated with the New Federation will carry the assumption of sovereign authority on behalf of the people it represents and governs. These federates will then grant the execution of this sovereignty to the federation which it is part of, up to the level of the central state. This is the legal and political justification of the central state’s authority.

E. Primary Responsibilities of the Political Partner

As the primary political partner of the New Federation, the New Vanguard Party is to be given explicit responsibility over government elections and government audits throughout the Federation, including every level of federate. The NVP is also given full authority to administer the central armed forces as a branch of the NVP, the New Vanguard Army.

F. Congress of the Federation

The Congress of the Federation will be the highest organ of state power. It will be a tricameral body, consisting of the Federal Legislature, the Federal Assembly, and the Federal Convention. The full authority of the Congress is to be invested in the Federal Legislature. The Federal Assembly will the official voice of the people while the Federal Convention will be the primary forum for federate governments.

I. The Federal Assembly

The Federal Assembly is to be the representative chamber of the Congress. Its membership should be the largest of all three chambers and decided by federate-specific elections, primarily through first-level federates. Members of the Assembly are to be called representatives. The formal powers of the Federal Assembly are few but their rights are many. It will have the right to review acts from the Legislature, including summoning legislators to hearings. It will have the right to submit legislation which has been approved by the majority to the Legislature, who must hear and consider the legislation. It will also have the right to publish information, including the responsibility to publish a regular periodical which informs the people of the federation about government business.

As the representative chamber, the leadership of the Assembly will have the responsibility of head of state for the New Federation. This responsibility will be divided among two positions. First is the Speaker of the Federal Assembly, who is elected by and of the representatives. Their responsibilities to the Assembly are to be in presiding over Assembly sessions and in representing the Assembly to other elements of the government and federation. The Speaker will also direct Assembly publication. The second position is the President of the Federal Assembly, who is appointed by the Legislature; unlike the Speaker, the President does not need to be an elected member of the Assembly. The President has a supervisory role with the authority to censure and remove members of the Assembly, as well as to dismiss the Speaker. Both roles will be held on a regular term basis.

II. The Federal Convention

The Federal Convention is to be the collaborative chamber of the Congress. Its membership should be between the numbers in the Assembly and the Legislature, though unlike them its members will be selected by the governments of the federates. Federates of the first- and second-level at least should send 1 delegate each to the Convention. The Convention will have very few powers, existing primarily to ensure communication with federate governments as well as some level of direct consultation. Convention business will largely be concerned with ratifying acts that are to be implemented by federates. A failed Convention vote would represent an official criticism of the act, but it would not absolve any federate of cooperating with the central state. Its one clear responsibility is to be oversight and coordination of the People’s Defense Organization, as each federate militia (people’s defense regiment) would be under its particular government.

The leader of the Federal Convention is to be the Secretary-General of the Federal Convention. This position will be appointed by the Legislature from the members of the Convention. It is to be held for a regular term. The Secretary-General’s main roles are to preside over Convention meetings and to lead coordination efforts.

III. The Federal Legislature

The Federal Legislature is to be the chamber of authority, holding the decision-making power of the Congress. Its membership should be the smallest of the three chambers. Its members will be called legislators and they will be chosen by election based in the first-level federates. It will have the authority to execute all governmental powers and will operate primarily as an assembly rather than as an executive council.

The temporary leader of the Federal Legislature is to be the Chair of the Federal Legislature. This position will be elected of the Legislature by the Legislature. The Chair is elected on a session-by-session basis and has no authority other than to coordinate the session.

G. State Executive

The primary executive organ of the New Federation government is to be the Council of Civil Institutions. Its leader is to be formally titled the Secretary of the Council of Civil Institutions but should be commonly known as Secretary of State. In an organizational sense, the Secretary of State is the head of government. They are to be appointed by the Legislature, along with a number of directors. The other members of the council will be the secretaries of their respective departments, agencies, and other organs. The Secretary of State and the directors are to hold their positions for regular terms. While Council directors may hold department secretary roles directly, their intention is to be supervisors who the department secretaries report to. Decision-making power in the Council is to remain with the Secretary of State and the directors rather than in the Council as a whole.

H. Federal Judiciary

The judicial system of the New Federation will be directed by the Congress of the Federation which will itself act as the court of last resort. The procedure of the federal judiciary will be procuratorial (or inquisitorial) in nature. Federal courts will have a limited power of judicial review, importantly lacking the ability of judicial review over primary legislation; this does not include the Congress-as-court, which can review its own legislation. The Congress will operate two supreme courts: the State People’s Court and the State Constitutional Court. The Congress-as-court may review any case or situation on their own prerogative, whether civil, administrative, criminal, etc. The People’s Court and the Constitutional Court will not have this latitude, nor will they be directly empowered to rule on matters of fact; their direct jurisdiction covers only issues of legal interpretation. The People’s Court will primarily hear challenges of administrative law and settlements of equity, including settling mediation/arbitration. The People’s Court will also have the responsibility for administering the general federal court system and managing appeals. The Constitutional Court is a court of cassation (or legal interpretation) with the authority to make binding interpretations of primary law. Its primary continual responsibility is to serve as the main judicial advisors of the government. It does hear cases but only if they have been referred to it by the People’s Court or the Congress-as-court. While the Constitutional Court does not have the power of judicial review, it does have the ability to label laws to be in error if they contradict with other laws. Laws-in-error are to be corrected by the Congress-as-court, though the Constitutional Court can be overruled.

Each federate is to fall under the jurisdiction of one of several high courts, which are the highest level of regular law. The high court jurisdiction does not have to coordinate with the borders or authority-structure of the federates. Each federate will also have a people’s court; if first-level federate borders are also being used as the borders of high court jurisdiction, that federate’s people’s court can be merged with the high court. People’s courts are empowered to hear all cases originating within their jurisdiction, unless a higher court has specifically taken responsibility for a type of case, in which case the people’s court must refer the case to that appropriate court. Appeals from one federate’s people’s court will go to their superior federate’s people’s court and then to the high court. Certain matters can then be appealed to the State People’s Court.

Federates below the first level may maintain their own alternate judicial systems alongside the people’s court, including religious judiciaries. All such courts will fall under the authority of the federate’s people’s court. While an appeals system between such alternate courts can be established, such appeals must be registered with and approved by the federate’s people’s court, which can also intervene in such cases on its own authority.

The procuratorial function of the judicial system will be headed by the Agency of the State Tribune. Each federate’s tribune will be empowered to act as judicial investigator as well as prosecutor on behalf of the state, which in this case may mean either the government or the people against the government.

I. Other Key State Institutions

There are a variety of other important institutions which must be laid out in this constitution. They may be put in a number of configurations, such as being part of the Council of Civil Institutions or being independent groups appointed by the Legislature, on a case-by-case basis. What matters most about these is that they be established and operated, not their specific place in the government.

• Department of the Military, which will establish civilian control over military policy;
• State Bank, which will oversee monetary policy;
• Federal Communication Agency, which will have authority over communication infrastructure as well as postal service;
• Library of the Federation, which will be in charge of state records;
• Foreign Service, which will be in charge of foreign affairs for the federation;
• Security Agency, which will be in charge of internal security and intelligence;
• Federal Treasury, which will oversee state debts and economic policy;
• Department of Taxation, which will oversee tax policy.

J. Key State Institutions Granted to the Political Partner

As a reflection of the political responsibilities of the New Vanguard Party, some explicit state institutions will be granted to the NVP for them to fully control.

• Council of Election, which will set election policy for all federal elections;
• Council of Review, which will have authority conduct audits and inspections on other aspects of the government and on public institutions, as well as to enforce personal wealth regulations;
• State Military Council, which will have direct strategic, administrative, and operational control over central armed forces; the SMC is to report to the Department of the Military.

K. Citizenship

Citizenship in the New Federation is to be a measure of formal allegiance and membership to the federation system; it is not to be considered a mark of racial or national belonging, nor is it to be restricted on the basis of origin, heritage, or lineage. Anyone resident in a federate of the New Federation or subject to the rules of the New Federation will be eligible to become a naturalized citizen of that federate after a short period in that situation which will last no longer than 5 years. All naturalized citizens must swear to maintain their citizenship for a period of at least 5 years. Citizenship is only abandoned if competing citizenships are taken up; in this case, the New Federation ceases to recognize the citizenship of such a person.

Only in exceptional circumstances is the holding of multiple citizenships to be permitted. No one who holds a federal office may have multiple citizenships. All citizens of a federate are considered to be citizens of any higher-level federates as well, up to and including the New Federation as a whole.

Non-citizens are to have all the rights and freedoms of citizens, except that they are not allowed to participate in the formal political process (that is, they may not vote, stand for public office, or be appointed to public office).

L. Taxation

The Congress of the Federation will have the power to tax on its own authority. The only tax to be specifically mandated will be a wealth tax, along with a personal wealth limit. The Congress will also be empowered to reduce and/or eliminate access to tax shelters or other devices to which allow people to operate within the New Federation while avoiding appropriate taxes.

M. Economy and Business

The Constitution of the Federation should make only two prescriptions relating to business. The first is that the Congress of the Federation will have responsibility for state industrial policy. The second is a policy on worker councils. The co-operative worker enterprise will be the preferred form of economic association. Each enterprise of a certain size, regardless of organization type, must be responsible to a council of its workers, whether or not that council is the enterprise’s executive.

N. Elections

In general, elections are to be conducted on a standard of public competition of candidates. No party affiliation will be required for a person to stand for any election. The vote will be available to all adult citizens, but potential candidates may have requirements placed upon their eligibility.

Public Service Requirement

The most basic requirement for eligibility to any federal office is the public service requirement, which mandates registering at least 12 months of service (within a short term) in a designated public service organization. Professional, full-time military service will always count towards the public service requirement, as will most forms of government employment. Membership in the political partner will count as public service time but only as long as one remains part of the political partner; this restriction doesn’t apply for other public service organizations.

O. The Role of Alternate Political Groups

Political organizations other than the primary political partner are to be permitted, though their involvement in politics is to be regulated by the political partner. There are to be two formally recognized types of alternate political groups: labor unions and alternate political parties.

I. Labor Unions

Labor unions are associations of workers organized to protect and pursue their interests, primarily focusing on economic and industrial matters. Workers should be allowed to organize freely in such unions. Unions are to advocate more than enforce. Unions are not allowed to be the primary proprietors or partners in any business enterprise, nor are worker councils permitted to mandate the membership of any union. Unions can, however, partner with business enterprises as preferred labor partners, which would have the effect of making that enterprise a closed shop (with some exceptions).

Labor unions may be affiliated with alternate political parties, but no labor union may be sponsored by or officially affiliated with the primary political partner.

II. Alternate Political Parties

Alternate political parties exist to express political ideas which are not currently shared by the primary political partner. This is an important part of public discourse and pressure which keeps the government responsible. Such parties must be registered with the state and may be disbanded by it. Membership in an alternate political party will not be a formal obstacle to holding any state or federal office. A person cannot, however, be a member of the primary political partner and an alternate political party at the same time.

back to top

Constitution of the New Vanguard Party

What follows are the main propositions for the constitution of the New Vanguard Party. This is the structure of the party organization.

A. Purpose

The purpose of the New Vanguard Party will be to create a liberal socialist state without exploitation, where people can live and prosper in common cause.

B. Ideology

The ideology of the New Vanguard Party will be socialism, specifically upholding the values of social welfare and social justice. No one who has not sworn the specified oath of allegiance to the NVP ideology can be a member of the NVP.

C. Membership

Membership will be open to any adult citizen of the New Federation, its component federates, and/or its predecessor state(s) (including the colonies or clients of any group mentioned). Prospective members of the New Vanguard Party cannot be current members of any alternative political group. All members must be affiliated with a local NVP branch.

D. Structure

The New Vanguard Party will be a single organization, rather than being a federation or coalition of smaller groups. Its chief section will be known as party center and will consist of a number of related institutions. The NVP will also establish regional sections which report to party center, then local branches which report to their respective section. The NVP may establish other levels of organization between these as needed.

E. Conference-Committee System

Leadership at each level of the New Vanguard Party is to be determined by the conference-committee system. In this system, the membership will periodically (on a short or regular term) come together in a party conference for their level. This conference will invested with all decision-making authority for the party. However, full conference sessions are intended to be short, with their primary task being to elect a steering committee of the conference, empowered to wield the conference’s authority between sessions. Each steering committee will elect a chair who will be responsible for coordinating meetings of the steering committee.

This description adequately describes the running of party branches. In section conferences, the membership is made up of the steering committee members of the component branches (or their appointed replacements). For the General Conference of the Party, which is the conference of the party center, each section will return a number of deputies by election to make up the conference membership.

F. Central Committee and Leadership

The steering committee of the General Conference is to be called the Central (Steering) Committee. Rather than directly electing their chair, the Central Committee instead elects (of itself) a smaller group which will be called the Leadership Council. The Leadership Council will have the authority to set the agenda of the Central Committee, as well as appointing the Chair of the Central Committee and the Leader of the New Vanguard Party (or Party Leader). The Chair of the Central Committee must be a member of the Central Committee but does not have to be a member of the Leadership Council; they have the usual powers of a steering committee chair.

G. The Party Leader

The Party Leader does not have any special qualifications other than being a member of the Party in good standing. The Party Leader also does not have any explicit powers or responsibilities. The role of the Party Leader is primarily ceremonial and is intended for the person currently considered the chief ideologue of the Party. As the nominal head of party, the Party Leader will have the right to be first in precedence in state ritual, before even the heads of state or head of government. The Party Leader should be re-selected (or re-confirmed) with every new General Conference.

H. Key Organs of the Central Committee

The Central Committee will have the authority to organize any number of functions on behalf of the New Vanguard Party. There are several functions which will be essential:

• Organizational Group, which will be responsible for personnel records, appointments and assignments, transfers, etc.;
• Military Group, which will oversee military affairs, including the operation of the New Vanguard Army;
• Cadre Group, which will oversee political education for party members;
• Propaganda Group, which will manage the party’s media and outreach;
• Labor Group, which will be the party’s equivalent of a united labor front;
• Election Group, which will oversee and manage elections;
• Audit Group, which will have the power to order and execute audits on government institutions, private institutions, and private persons;
• Discipline Group, which is responsible for enforcing party discipline, including dishonorable dismissals.

I. Independence and Instrumentality

It is presumed that members of the New Vanguard Party, having sworn to its ideals and being educated in their meaning, will be able to act with reasonable independence in most situations. Criticism of the NVP is not to be forbidden, especially from other NVP members.

The only exception to this presumption is if the Leadership Council imposes instrumentality. If instrumentality is imposed, the decision of the Central Committee is to be upheld by all members of the NVP, especially in the case of voting along the party line. Instrumentality is imposed relative to the enactment of an action, it is not intended to be used to stifle criticism or manufacture support.

In all matters, the Leadership Council is the final authority on party discipline.

J. Intra-Party Factions

Groups of political tendency, or faction, are to be permitted in the New Vanguard Party within reason. The Leadership Council will always have the authority to discipline or outlaw factions. Factions may not designate permanent leadership, operate shadow or counterpart versions of the official party organs, or otherwise develop or maintain organs separate from those shared by the whole party. Primarily regional factions are to be disbanded.

K. Separation

No member of the NVP will be prohibited from leaving voluntarily unless they are currently on a critical assignment, in which case they will not be prohibited from stating their intention to leave. The primary methods of separation are voluntary separation and dishonorable dismissal, though the Central Committee can authorize other types of separation. Regardless of how a member comes to be separated, a former member of the NVP must make regular check ins at a short term as long as the NVP remains the primary political partner of the state. Aside from that requirement, former members are not to be categorically prohibited from participating in any activity or group, including alternative political groups.

An exception to this exists for those dishonorably dismissed. At the discretion of the Central Committee, a dishonorably dismissed former member may be permanently censured, meaning they will be targeted for political exclusion by the state. In particular, such people will be prohibited from joining any political organization in the future and likewise prohibited from standing for election or being appointed to office, though they will still be permitted to vote.

back to top

Basic Plan of the New Vanguard Party

What follows are the main propositions for the basic plan of the New Vanguard Party. This is the general political strategy and policy of the party.

A. Division of Responsibilities

The official governing policy for the top of the New Federation State is for a division of responsibilities. The presence of a paramount leader is considered to be a sign of crisis rather than a sign of strength. Divided responsibilities show that there is strength and dynamism in the current leading cohort. The holders of paramount positions, as well as other important posts, should be carefully considered so that single control leads to the disintegration of state authority and societal confidence.

B. Paramount Positions

These are the roles considered to be the most important within the New Federation State. They are ranked in approximate rating of importance for someone who would wish to hold total control; a potential paramount leader will likely hold at least two of these positions. These roles specifically should be shared out among different people as often as possible.

1. Chair of the NVP Central Committee
2. Head of the State Military Council
3. Head of the Department of the Military
4. Secretary of State
5. Head of the Security Agency
6. Head of the Council of Review
7. President of the Federal Assembly
8. Leader of the NVP (Party Leader)

C. Political Advantage

Strategically, the goal of the New Vanguard Party is to retain significant political advantage over the New Federation. This means that the New Vanguard Party should work towards keeping and maintaining the ability to direct government activity. There are three pillars to achieving this political advantage: the public service mission, the appeal of political favor, and electoral controls.

I. Public Service Mission

The public service mission of the NVP will ideally appeal to the people on two fronts. Firstly, NVP assistance in times of need will give the NVP a good reputation and encourage loyalty in a natural way. Secondly, the success of the NVP as a public service organization will attract those who have a desire to serve the public, meaning that the NVP can steadily draw motivated recruits.

II. The Appeal of Political Favor

Graft and networking are an unavoidable part of politics. Despite anti-corruption measures, it is undeniable that knowing the right people is always the best way to make sure things get done in politics. The New Vanguard Party is not going to endorse graft or networking, however it must be acknowledged that there will be an association between membership in the NVP and expedited work and also that this association will drive some amount of membership. As long as the NVP remains an effective organization, this appeal will ensure that people will continue joining the NVP and, in the process, become committed to its broad values through professional necessity if for no other reason.

III. Electoral Controls

Though most New Federation offices are officially filled through open elections, certain positions are to be reserved for the New Vanguard Party. The primary means of ensuring this will be a process of candidate review. The powers of the New Federation’s Council of Election are to be exercised by the NVP Election Group.

D. Control and Use of Government Organs

This is an overview of major organs of the New Federation, how they are to be controlled by the NVP, and their strategic purpose to the NVP.

I. Federal Legislature

Though the constitutional criteria for eligibility in the Federal Legislature is quite open, in practice the Election Group will severely limit this. Only party cadres of good standing and with significant experience are to stand for election to the Legislature. The Legislature is to be the NVP’s base of legal authority and therefore should not give up an iron majority in this chamber.

II. Federal Assembly

The Election Group will not present significant barriers on standing for election to the Federal Assembly, allowing all those fit for office to stand. Still, the New Vanguard Party should still field candidates in such elections. The level of representation which the NVP receives should be taken as one measure of the public’s confidence in the NVP. Using this measure, as well as the course of the Assembly’s meeting and activity, the NVP will be able to get some insight into the feeling and concerns of the society at large. Due to this, the Speaker may be of any party or none; the NVP should attempt to gain the Speaker’s seat but should not stress this point. The President, being appointed by the Legislature, should always be a party cadre.

III. Lower-Level Assemblies

In the lower federates, the Election Group should allow the majority of elections to proceed on a fully open basis similar to the Federal Assembly. Certain federates may be designated for special oversight, either temporarily or permanently, and such assemblies are given a quota for party membership. This quota is generally met by reserving seats to be contested by party members only, preferring at-large jurisdictions to sections of the federate.

IV. Federal Convention

The Election Group will exert little direct control over the Federal Convention, given that its delegates will be returned by federate governments rather than by direct election. The NVP will not strive to reach a majority or any particular level of representation in the Convention, given that the purpose of the Convention is to coordinate with governments as-they-are. The procedures of the Convention are controlled, in any case, by the Secretary-General who is appointed by the Legislature.

V. Military

The central military will be controlled by the New Vanguard Party through a policy of not allowing any officers who are not NVP members. The people’s defense regiments of the federates will not be directly overseen by the party, but the head of the People’s Defense Organization should always be a party cadre.

E. Succession

There is not necessarily to be a defined succession plan for the New Vanguard Party. The Central Committee should always be presumed to be able to freely select the next Leadership Council should it become necessary. It would be impossible to try to restrict informal means of indicating successors so this will not be attempted, but it must be stressed in the strongest terms that such indications should always be considered as suggestions and never as binding orders.

Admittedly, it is important to be able to recognize potential leaders. To that end, several roles and experiences will be considered key markers of preparation for becoming a candidate for the Leadership Council. These will likely include:

• Election as the Speaker of the Federal Assembly
• Appointment as the President of the Federal Assembly
• Performance as Chair of the Federal Legislature, as well as number of times selected
• Heading NVP Central Committee organs
• Serving in the government of first-level federates

F. Dual Agencies

Certain organs of the New Vanguard Party will be considered dual agencies, which means the NVP organ will simultaneously serve as a state agency. Each dual agency is to be referred to by its state agency name in all contexts other than party-specific contexts, when it should go under its party name.

List of key dual agencies:

• NVP Election Group — Council of Election
• NVP Audit Group — Council of Review
• NVP Military Group — State Military Council

G. Cadres

Good governance and public-mindedness in adherence with party ideology is to be one of the cornerstones of the New Vanguard Party. To that end, the NVP will prioritize the development of cadres. A cadre is a dedicated and thoroughly-trained public servant whose primary ambition is to serve their neighbors and fellow citizens. The NVP Cadre Group should organize and run educational programs and schooled geared at NVP members who wish to become cadres. Certain positions will be reserved for recognized cadres in order to ensure that the roles will be performed diligently and efficiently. No one who is not an NVP member can be recognized as a cadre, regardless of the level of public service they perform.

H. Youth League

It will be of unavoidable importance that the youth of the New Federation be taught to respect the Federation as well as to value the NVP mission. In order to ensure that the NVP reaches out to capable youth, the NVP will organize and operate a Youth League along parallel lines to the regular NVP. The Youth League must never be made mandatory for all people; membership must always be fully voluntary.

I. Public Honors

In order to create a culture of public service in the New Federation, several public honors should be created by the New Federation central state; while the New Vanguard Party should retain relative control over the awarding of these honors, in order to maintain their ideological purpose, these awards must be state awards and not party awards (though the NVP may have its own set of internal awards as well). All citizens are to be eligible for these honors, with NVP members not being preferred.

Ranking of important public honors in order of precedence:

• Medal of State, discretionary award granted by the Congress to nominees from the Federal Assembly, intended for highly-distinguished and widely-respected figures;
• Great achievement award, military and security;
• Great achievement award, public service and science;
• Great achievement award, culture;
• Life of Service Award, discretionary award granted by the Congress to nominees from the Federal Convention, intended for long-term low-level public servants and politicians who have made a great impact on their communities;
• Long service award, military and security;
• Long service award, public service, science, and culture;
• Long service award, political;
• Medal of academic achievement, for distinguishing the leading scholars in the federation.

J. Political Challenge

Challenges to the political control of the New Vanguard Party are inevitable. These should be welcomed to a point. The role of political opposition in the New Federation State is not to overtake the government but instead to pressure it. If there is a serious challenge to the actual legal challenge of the NVP, the NVP will be fully within its rights to attempt to stifle that challenge, including formally banning challenging ideologies. These are measures well-known to political history. The set-up of the New Federation State is such, however, that it is possible for the NVP to withdraw in the face of true political defeat without either destroying the Federation or necessarily tearing itself apart. It may be that the political situation of the New Federation develops to the point that the NVP as a political caretaker is seen as no longer necessary. If this comes to be the case, the New Vanguard Party must remember that its primary purpose is to serve the public good, not to retain its own power.

back to top